Why would you want to give even more power to Facebook?
It's bad enough that they were allowed to buy Instagram and WhatsApp. At least online video should belong to a different company.
It's not that I want to give more power to Facebook, it's that it's more convenient for my use case. Sure Facebook has too much power, but so does Google and I'd rather my video watching data was all aggregated in a much smaller ecosystem that only encompasses my social life and not my entire web browsing habits, email, phone use, etc.
So yeah, I want to transfer the power from Google to Facebook for now until a better option comes along.
If you think that Facebook doesn't already know your web browsing habits and phone use. I have bad news for you. They don't have email that is true, but they have WhatsApp and FB Messenger which might be worse.
To look at it optimistically, or maybe naively, ever increasing centralization will increase our incentive to devise decentralized alternatives and generally decrease our tolerance for such colossal clusters of power. Facebook and the like are already profanely large and important. That could be the only reason to give more power to Facebooks of the world – to quicken their downfall.
A sort-of test of this theory is the current US administration. During the election, some anti-establishment and left activists called for Trump to be elected. They felt like society didn't want to be fixed, or was beyond fixing. Dishearted, they decided that the faster this unsustainable state of affairs reaches its climax the better. Enter Trump.
There's a noteworthy counteracting force though. As, the documentary maker, Adam Curtis argues in HyperNormalisation, for the last few decades, the principal objective of our ruling class is to maintain stability and reduce risk. Risk, as a word, has actually been bizzarely relevant during this time. Look at how its use in the Google Books corpus shoots up starting in the seventies [0]. Of course, virtually any ruling class always opposed power redistribution, but what Curtis is trying to demonstrate is that our current establishment has become extremely adept at it, in part thanks to the advent of computing and internet.
An interesting area of focus for socioeconomic studies is how specifically stability of power distribution is maintained, in this day, and how those mechanisms could be compromised.
